CHAPTER 8. THE LAST VOICES FROM ARTSAKH
We are No One: How Impunity for Three Years of Atrocities is Erasing Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenians
CHAPTER 8: The Final Chapter
And like that, with empty stomachs, the war started.
- Displaced woman from Martuni, Nagorno-Karabakh, in an interview with UNHR researchers on October 15, 2023 in Artashat region of Armenia.
CONTENTS
Summary of the Events of September 19 - October 2, 2023
Testimonies
1. Attack
2. Blackout
3. Flight
4. No respite
5. Exodus
6. Relief and Grief
7. Left Behind
8. What the Future Holds
Summary of the Events of September 19 - October 2, 2023
Azerbaijan’s grave human rights abuses against ethnic Armenians and the international community’s acquiescence formed the backdrop to Azerbaijan's assault of September 19, 2023 that ultimately led to the ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenian population. The University Network for Human Rights (UNHR or University Network) was on the border as events unfolded; there and in subsequent weeks, we interviewed over 60 people who fled from Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia.
Between September 19 and 20, 2023, Azerbaijan launched a 24-hour military operation against Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijani military forces initiated both a ground offensive and aerial bombing of the region, seizing nearly one hundred local military posts in the process.1 Officials reported that 200 people died in the attack and 400 were wounded;2 at least ten civilian deaths were reported, including five children, as a result of the operation.3 Within a day, the Azerbaijani military advanced within two kilometers of Stepanakert, the region’s capital, while simultaneously engaging in heavy shelling of the city.4
A joint statement by the European Parliament denounced the offensive, accusing Azerbaijan of undermining ongoing peace negotiations.5 Meanwhile, Genocide Watch published a “Stage 9: Extermination” alert for the region, explaining that the Azerbaijani government’s objective was to “drive all Armenians out of Artsakh through war and genocide.”6 Russian officials claimed that Azerbaijan waited until “minutes” before the impending operation to notify Russian forces,7 and Putin later defended the role of Russian forces, claiming, “They are doing everything possible to protect the civilian population.”8
Azerbaijani officials declared they would continue the assault on Nagorno-Karabakh “until the end”9 unless the authorities of the de facto Nagorno-Karabakh Republic “raised the white flag in surrender.”10 Twenty four hours later, both governments announced a ceasefire that would begin at 1 p.m. on September 20.11 Among the terms of the ceasefire was the requirement that the Nagorno-Karabakh Defense Forces disband.12 A week later, the President of the Republic of Artsakh signed a decree that would “dissolve all state institutions and organizations under their departmental authority by January 1, 2024.”13 The terms of this cessation of hostilities also included Azerbaijan’s “integration,” or forced assimilation, of the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh.14 Azerbaijan reportedly continued to drop bombs on Stepanakert and its suburbs following the ceasefire.15
As Azerbaijan continued its military assault – and as residents faced the dissolution of their state institutions – nearly the entire population of ethnic Armenians fled the region. Following a 10-month blockade of the Lachin corridor, Azerbaijan opened the border crossing, enabling the mass exodus to Armenia.16 Over 100,600 people fled Nagorno-Karabakh in the span of a week.17
In this chapter, we reconstruct the events of September 19 - October 2, 2023 through excerpts from interviews with more than 60 forcibly displaced ethnic Armenians who experienced them firsthand.
TESTIMONIES
1. Attack
On September 19, Azerbaijani forces initiated a bombing campaign in Nagorno-Karabakh, targeting civilian infrastructure and homes. Nagorno-Karabakh leadership reported that 200 people were killed in the offensive, including at least ten civilians and five children, and that 400 were wounded.18 Azerbaijani presidential envoy Elchin Amirbekov insisted that the army only targeted military posts.19 Accounts from witnesses, however, paint a very different picture of the widespread civilian destruction. “They bombed everywhere: toward the school laboratory, buildings, streets, the flag, etc. Everywhere. They surrounded us,” said a woman from Shushi region.20 Videos posted on Telegram showed Azerbaijani soldiers firing at what appear to be civilian homes.21 Maria, recalling the tragic events of September 19, described how Azerbaijani bombs struck her family member’s home in Martakert: “My relative, with a child in her arms, a 9-year-old, was hit and killed by a shell. The nine-year-old child in the arms of grandma . . . they were laying together. The shell killed them both.”22 A couple from Askeran witnessed the assault on civilian infrastructure, noting the destruction of five homes, one of which housed an 11-person family. “We could see fire in the air from the strike. We saw it all,” they said.23
Civilians were killed by bombings as well as direct shooting by Azerbaijani forces. When asked about other civilian victims, Maria responded,
“Out of the people I know, at least 20 people died during the 19th and 20th of this month. … Many. So many. It’s not one or two to just give their names. There are many.”24
Marine, a woman who fled her village of Drmbon, recounted the horrors of escaping gunfire: “We saw very awful things, we barely managed to escape the shootings, it was bad, very bad.”25
During the initial hours of the offensive, many sought refuge in basements and underground bunkers, seeking safety from the shelling.26 The Ombudsman of Nagorno-Karabakh highlighted the distressing situation, reporting that approximately 10,000 people were “staying in the basements without proper food, water, electricity, and all other basic conditions of living.”27 One woman narrated the events of September 19: “At about 12:30, shootings began from the side of Azerbaijan. We barely managed to get the kids and go into the basements.”28
Another mother, Aksana, hid in the basement with her three-year-old son, telling him that the shelling was just “thunder and lightning.”29 When they emerged the next morning, they saw that a house next door had been shelled: “Some of the shrapnel fragments had already hit our roof.”30
In some cases, people sheltered for days during the bombing. One family described hiding in their cold basement for four days: “Constant news that the Azeris were approaching, they’re coming and hurting children, coming into the basements.”31 Cramped together in the dark with children and the sick, the family had little to eat: “People had brought whatever they had. We had pig fat and cheese.”32
2. Blackout
The shelling by Azerbaijan also severed vital services like electricity and cellular networks across Stepanakert and the wider region.33 Amidst the blackout, reports indicated that only the ICRC office and Stepanakert hospital sustained power, thanks to external generators.34 Individuals struggled with “terrible connection” in the wake of the attack, which made communication nearly impossible: “We barely would reach a person after trying ten times, then it would get cut after exchanging not even two words.”35 Aksana recounted, “We couldn’t call anyone, tell anyone where we were. We didn’t know if our relatives were alive or well.”36 For many, the breakdown in communication also delayed news of Azerbaijan's assault. In some cases, villagers living near the border heard of the invasion mere minutes before Azerbaijani forces arrived. Former Armenia Ombudsman Arman Tatoyan cited Martakert as a stark example. As a result of the disrupted communication between the frontlines and civilians, Martakert’s residents had less than an hour to gather their belongings and escape.37
3. Flight
As Azerbaijani forces advanced into Nagorno-Karabakh’s villages, residents fled as quickly as possible. Two sisters detailed their escape on September 19 upon hearing that Azerbaijani soldiers had entered their village:
“There was no other choice. We weren’t able to take clothes, grabbed only our documents and ran away. . . . There were kids whose parents were lost, so we took those kids with us. There were cars carrying 50 to 60 children."38
In Kalbajar district, the onslaught of bombs prompted three terrified children to sprint home from school. Their families faced immediate evacuation to Khojali and eventually to Stepanakert, where they slept on a hard university floor for four days. “We got out with cars, any type of car . . . trucks, grass trucks. The mayor evacuated everyone with whatever he could.”39
As news of the Azerbaijani offensive spread, people frantically crammed into vehicles, desperate to escape by any means possible. One middle-aged father described piling civilians onto his tractor to evacuate them from his village. He vividly recounted, “I was going to elderly ladies and men and seating them in my tractor, 30, 40 people. [My tractor] is two meters long and one meter wide. People were sitting on top of each other.”40
Those fleeing from villages sought safety in the capital Stepanakert or at the Russian forces’ base located at the defunct airport. Along the route to Stepanakert, one family from the town of Martuni reported passing through three Azerbaijani checkpoints. At the first checkpoint, “[the soldiers] were wearing black clothes, black masks over their eyes, with guns with their fingers on the trigger, with a threatening presence, pointing the gun at us. They were trying to make us fearful, especially with three kids in the car.”41
Many described the excruciating moment when they commenced their escape, torn between attachment to their homeland and the necessity of survival. “Everyone wanted to go back, to stay in their house – to get up and leave the house you’ve built and lived in for many years is the worst thing, but we understood there’s no safety or sense of security with [Azerbaijan].”42
But for others, the urgency of escape left no time for contemplation. As described by another forcibly displaced person:
“We ran. . . . If we were a bit late to exit the checkpoint, we would have been imprisoned in the village, surrounded by Azerbaijani troops.”43
For parents, the priority was to protect their children. “We didn’t think about staying, we didn’t think about anything: just that our children be healthy,” explained one mother.44 The mayor of Karmir Gyugh, father to a 4-month-old and 9-month-old, described the pain of leaving home with his family of nine:
“I didn’t want to leave,” he said, “but since the kids were crying, thinking about them I left. . . . I didn’t want to resist and separate from my children. During the war my children were almost taken into captivity . . . so I left because of my kids.” Visibly distraught, the mayor concluded, “My heart is bleeding, I didn't want to leave.”45
Many linked their plight to the long history of displacement and targeting of ethnic Armenians in the region. “If we didn’t leave, we would repeat the fate of the Armenians slaughtered in 1915 [during the genocide]. History repeated itself. . . . I call this the migration route, the same that happened with Armenians on the Deir ez-Zor (Der Zor) route”.46 Ella from Martakert highlighted the contrast with past years’ conflicts: “In 2020, it was different. We left, our brothers and our fathers stayed. But this time when they said they’re entering, that we needed to get the children out because the Azeris are close, there was no hope.”47
Not all were able to flee before Azerbaijani forces arrived, but were directed to leave by Azerbaijani armed forces when the latter entered their homes. A school janitor in Nor Geghi told UNHR that she had fled her village but that her neighbor stayed in the basement of her house because she was too scared to leave. O On a phone call a few hours after fleeing, her neighbor told her that Azerbaijani soldiers found her in the basement and told her to get on a bus because she had to leave.48 Two other women from Chartar said, “Azerbaijani forces entered our town, asked where the church was, and then went and raised their flag there. Then they told the people who stayed behind to get on your bus and leave.”49
The mayor of Karmir Gyugh, a village of approximately 150 residents, recounted the harrowing circumstances that forced the entire village to flee:
“We were surrounded, then the Azerbaijanis entered the village. We barely made it out, through the forests, that’s how we escaped.
This flight resulted in two casualties, one person reported missing, and an additional five to six individuals unaccounted for from a neighboring town.
"These five-six people, we don’t know whether they are alive or dead, they killed them or not.”50
Some who did not or could not flee in time appear to have suffered the fate that those who escaped most feared. A month after the September 19 attacks, the Human Rights Defender of the Republic of Armenia revealed that many of the civilian bodies recuperated from Nagorno-Karabakh, including those of women and children, showed signs of torture and mutilation.51
Apart from the recent memories of the atrocities of the 2020 war and abuses under the blockade, there were newer warning signs that horrific treatment awaited those who would fall into the hands of Azerbaijani forces. In the days leading up to the September 19 attack, they began receiving threatening messages via phone and social media.
Mary, an employee at the Office of the Human Rights Defender of Nagorno-Karabakh, noted the surge in online harassment. In a phone interview with UNHR researchers six days before the attack, Mary told us,
“Artsakh people are subjected to mobile and telephone terrors. They’re getting messages and phone calls saying Artsakh is being invaded.”52
A grandmother from Stepanakert described the horror of receiving a Facebook message from an Azerbaijani man threatening her family. The message said,
“You’re [says name of daughter]'s mother, right? When we come you will see what we will do to her.53
4. No respite
For those seeking refuge in Nagorno-Karabakh's capital, the city of Stepanakert did not offer respite; forcibly displaced people found conditions there “even worse” than in the rural villages, lacking even basic provisions like meat and eggs.54
For days, people huddled together in Renaissance Square (the main square in Stepanakert) because it was guarded by Russian forces. With rumors circulating that Azerbaijani forces had already entered the suburbs of Stepanakert, many believed that the plaza offered the sole sanctuary in the city. One family described the atmosphere of fear:
“Everyone stayed on the square until the buses would arrive. . . . We cooked there. . . . No one went home because we were scared.”55
As buses arrived for evacuation, the city was quickly deserted: “Stepanakert was all empty, like, you could see bundles of clothes here and there and everywhere. People were taking potatoes, anything that they had.”56
After reaching Stepanakert, Marine from Drmbon recalled passing Azerbaijani soldiers in the city:
“They were walking down the street and celebrating, laughing about the fact that we were running away, that we didn’t have a proper government and that no one stood beside the Armenian nation.”57
While many sought refuge in the city center, thousands of people descended upon the Russian forces’ base at the airport,58 hoping to find safety there from the bombing and the purported Azerbaijani advance into Stepanakert’s suburbs.59 At the airport, “people started bringing things from their house: chickens, pigs, cows. They were slaughtering them for people to eat because there was a lack of food and people were starving.”60
Conditions at the airport base quickly became unbearable:
“The conditions were not hygienic…Water was scarce, even though firefighters had brought water. It wasn’t enough for the 10,000 or 15,000 people who were there. We were barely surviving.”61
One man described how he brought food, “wrapped in bags so that other people wouldn’t see” to young mothers “so that [they] could eat and feed the babies with milk.” He explained, “I did this for Artsakh, for my people, so that the babies wouldn’t die.”62
5. Exodus
Five days after the initial September 19 attacks, Azerbaijan opened the Lachin Corridor. For the first time since the imposition of the 10-month blockade, ethnic Armenians flooded through the corridor en masse. While the first forcibly displaced people entered Armenia on September 24, others took days to cross the border.
The region-wide fuel shortage, caused by the blockade, contributed to delays. “We got to Stepanakert and ran out of fuel. We had been given just enough (five liters) to make it to Stepanakert.”63 Trapped in the city, people began desperate searches for fuel. “Once they found some, they just jumped into the car without any clothes, any stuff, nothing, and left the city.”64 One woman referenced how the high price of gas made her husband hesitate: “My husband asked, should we pay it and leave or stay? And I said, of course, no matter how expensive it is, we need to leave.”65
On the night of September 25, a fuel depot near Stepanakert exploded, killing over 170 people who had been waiting in line for gas on their way out of Nagorno-Karabakh.66 Among those killed in the explosion was a father from Martakert whose son had died a few days prior in the September 19 attacks. His brother was also hit by the explosion and later died at the hospital.67 One forcibly displaced person said about the explosion, “And then that petrol place exploded, over 100 people died. . . . They had turned into ash, children, people.”68
Over 100,000 Armenians fled through the Lachin Corridor within the first five days of its opening.69 As the only operational road connecting the enclave to Armenia, the mass exodus caused a 50-mile70 traffic jam visible from space.71 The Armenian Health Minister testified that people spent up to 40 hours on the road to Armenia, and that some died from a combination of exhaustion, malnutrition, and lack of necessary medication.72
One mother described,
“We were on the road for two days. . . . Our children, hungry, thirsty. Children constantly crying, they want to leave. Stuck in the car, there’s no air to breathe.” 73
Another young mother, 25-year-old Aksana, said, “It was possible for us to move for ten minutes then wait for three hours, then again move for another ten minutes. There were people who would be stopped for seven or eight hours.”74 On a journey that would otherwise take only two hours, one described, “It’s been two days on the roads, thirsty, hungry. Eating apples and blackberries on the roads. . . . It’s a nightmare.”75 Holding up the passport of his late relative, another man described how his in-law “died on the road because of starvation” and that they had brought his body to Armenia because they hadn’t been able to stop on the way to bury him.76
At the border, the forcibly displaced faced further indignities. One woman described the feeling of passing the final Azerbaijani checkpoint:
“They were counting us, how many men, women, children, laughing as they closed the doors. We were scared thinking they would take our men away.”77
Azerbaijani soldiers stopped many cars with young Armenians, forcing them to exit their vehicles: “They were stopping them . . . hitting and bullying them, forcing them to walk this and that way, and only after that letting them cross the bridge. . . . They were doing all that in order to provoke a fight, so that they could arrest those young Armenians and take them away."78 The BBC reported that Azerbaijani border control enforced “rigorous checks” of Armenian civilians fleeing the region.79
The daughter of Vagif Khachatryan, who had been illegally detained by Azerbaijani forces in July 2023 (see Chapter 1. Arbitrary Detention), reported being held up at the border: “They stopped us, recognized us. I took part in the 1990s war. They recognized my son. They took him out from the car. . . . They put Alex’s picture next to his grandfather Vagif’s picture, which read, ‘Terrorist Vagif’s criminal family.’”80 Eventually, the soldiers allowed the family to pass.
6. Relief and Grief
Finally safe in Goris, refugees expressed relief. “When we came to Goris, there was bread there. We hadn’t seen bread like that in eight months. Such big bread.”81 Another said, “Constantly being scared, having all those feelings, very difficult lives. We can’t even believe that we have arrived. We arrived, so at least we can relax a little bit.”82 In the same breath, she said,
“It is the sweetest thing to be an Artsakhtsi. Now we are mourning, we don’t have a homeland.”83
Others worried about being able to reunite with loved ones. “It seemed we entered another world. We were scared that our relatives didn’t reach us, and they would be caught.”84 A town mayor described the chaos following the exodus: “Even a father can’t find a son, brother cannot find a brother, many people can’t find each other.”85 Some residents had already been uprooted from their homes multiple times over their lifetimes. Eduard described his despair upon leaving his home once again: “Berkadzor, Yeghtsahogh village, twenty-eight bombs. I’ve moved four times as a boy; this is my fifth war. … This is our last genocide. I don’t want to be in Yerevan, nor Russia . . . [only] my land.”86
7. Left Behind
Families who fled had to abandon most, if not all, of their possessions. A displaced woman remarked,
“We thought that like always, like other wars, we could come back to our houses. We took nothing, but this time going back didn’t work out. We left empty-handed.”87
Once soldiers entered the village of Harutyunagomer, in Martakert region, civilians reported having only thirty minutes to gather their belongings and escape:
“My grandchild is one and a half years old. I wasn’t able to take anything. Only the documents and hand bags. It’s been ten days; we are wearing the same clothes.”88
Speaking through tears, one 77-year old woman described leaving her whole life behind. “Oh, don’t even ask. Two cows, 16 turkeys, 35 chickens, sheep, garden, different trees, vegetables, lots of preserved vegetables, cheese, honey. . . . We could not bring anything.”89
Fleeing meant abandoning not only basic items such as clothing and food, but also objects of cultural and personal heritage. Anahit, from Askeran, expressed sorrow at carrying just two photographs with her, opting for her children’s clothes instead of family albums: “We said we had to leave quickly.”90 Another said, “Everything. Everything. . . . We left our memories.”91 One interviewee who had previously been displaced from Shushi to Stepankert journeyed to Goris empty-handed:
“I was displaced by force twice. First time I was displaced from Shushi to Stepanakert, and this time I was displaced here [to Armenia]. I didn’t bring anything with me. I just got up and came with the clothes on my back.”92
In the chaotic rush to escape, countless families were separated. Families were forced to make heartbreaking decisions as they grappled with leaving behind vulnerable relatives too sick or elderly to flee. While most of the villagers managed to escape, others didn’t have the strength to leave. One woman shared that her cousin decided to stay behind rather than abandon his 98-year-old father. Her uncle, too sick to travel, also remained in the village. She said,
“I know that there were four people who were very sick in bed . . . . We have no information about what happened to them . . . no news from them, were they killed or not. . . . We know that [Azerbaijanis] have already robbed our entire village.”93
The same story played out in villages across the region. In another case, a family was forced to leave behind their 95-year-old grandmother. The mayor of Karmir Gyugh explained,
“Because we had to climb through the mountains and forest to escape and we couldn’t carry the grandma, I told [the son] to leave her in the house.”94
In one instance, the ICRC found an 85-year-old woman who insisted on tidying her clothes and fridge before leaving. She cried while explaining to the ICRC,
“I hope any people coming to live in my house stay well, and never experience war.”95
The team also rescued a bed-ridden and malnourished cancer patient from an abandoned hospital: at that point, the patient had finished her supply of medication and had nearly run out of food and water.96
A grandmother from Martakert described the profound pain of losing loved ones:
“During the war we saw a lot of loss. If you entered every Artsakhtsi home, you would be able to see that they have lost someone. That is the upsetting thing. We left everything, but we’d rather wish that all those people we lost were here with us instead of wishing for our homes back. In this climate we’d rather lose everything we had.”97
8. What the future holds
Despite having found refuge in Armenia, the forcibly displaced are still fearful about the possibility of further attacks on Nagorno-Karabakh heritage or on Armenia itself (see Chapter 6. Attacks on Cultural Heritage). When asked what she worried most about, 25-year old Aksana responded:
“There’s already an order for Tatik Papik to be destroyed. For me that is the saddest thing. The Gandzasar monastery, the Amaras monastery . . . that it’s possible for them to be destroyed.”98
Describing what the monuments mean to her, she explained,
“They are the symbol of Artsakh. If they are not there, then Artsakh would not exist. They are the cultural roots of Artsakh. For example, it’s like the Eiffel Tower for the French.”99
Recent refugees also fear a potential Azerbaijani assault on Armenia. In early October, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken alerted government officials of the risk of an Azerbaijan invasion aimed at opening a corridor to the exclave of Nakhchivan, which lies opposite a stretch of Armenian territory.100 This looming threat prompted a woman from Martuni to firmly reject the option of relocating to an Armenian border village:
“You know the worst thing? They’re not going to stop here. They want Syunik later, and more and more, and it’s not truly safe and that’s why I can’t live at the Azerbaijanis' mouth again. I can’t live in borderline houses again, because they are not going to stop with this.”101
Endnotes
1. “Responding to the Humanitarian Catastrophe in Nagorno-Karabakh,” International Crisis Group, September 29, 2023, https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/caucasus/nagorno-karabakh-conflict/responding-humanitarian-catastrophe-nagorno.
2. Artsakh / Nagorno-Karabakh Human Rights Ombudsman [@ArtsakhOmbuds], “❗️As of 21:30, September 20, According to the Information Collected by the Office of the Human Rights Defender, There Are at Least 200 Deaths and More than 400 Wounded Persons. The Number of Injured People among the Civilian Population Exceeds 40 Persons, among Whom 13 Are…,” Tweet, Twitter, September 20, 2023, https://twitter.com/ArtsakhOmbuds/status/1704551860999242216
3. Ibid.
4. Federica Marsi, “Azerbaijan-Armenia Tensions Updates: Azeri Attack in Nagorno-Karabakh,” Al Jazeera, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/liveblog/2023/9/19/nagorno-karabakh-live-azerbaijan-launches-new-anti-terror-operation.; “Responding to the Humanitarian Catastrophe in Nagorno-Karabakh.”
5. “Joint Statement on Azerbaijan’s Attack on Nagorno-Karabakh,” European Parliament, September 19, 2023, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/delegations/en/joint-statement-on-azerbaijan-s-attack-o/product-details/20230919DPU37422.
6. “Genocide Alert: Artsakh Surrenders to Azerbaijan,” Genocide Watch, September 21, 2023, https://www.genocidewatch.com/single-post/genocide-alert-azerbaijan-attacks-artsakh.
7. “Responding to the Humanitarian Catastrophe in Nagorno-Karabakh.”
8. Team of the Official Website of the President of Russia, “Conversation with Member of the Political Bureau of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee Wang Yi,” President of Russia, September 21, 2023, http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/72306.
9. Marsi, “Azerbaijan-Armenia Tensions Updates.”
10. “Official Baku Declares Readiness for Meeting with Representatives of Karabakh’s Armenian Orign Residents in Yevlakh,” Apa.az, accessed December 11, 2023, https://apa.az/social/official-baku-declares-readiness-for-meeting-with-representatives-of-karabakhs-armenian-orign-residents-in-yevlakh-412179?locale=en.
11. Արցախի Տեղեկատվական շտաբ [NKR InfoCenter], September 20, 2023, https://www.facebook.com/100069203860119/posts/620962410220549/
12. Ibid.
13. Արցախի Տեղեկատվական շտաբ [NKR InfoCenter], Facebook, September 28, 2023, https://www.facebook.com/ArtsakhInformation/posts/pfbid02187AgVgU7iFzwjyH9wtiDRzKhWgp8CYKWezgABZnUGsrdXLHjV5dGyfB3xvqbNh1l
14. Ibid.
15. “In Stepanakert Explosions Can Still Be Heard and Smoke Can Be Seen – Davit Torosyan,” Armenia News, December 11, 2023, https://news.am/eng/news/782062.html.
16. Gaiane Yenokian, “Exasperated Residents Flee Nagorno-Karabakh after Azerbaijan Seizes Control of Breakaway Region,” AP News, September 26, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/armenia-azerbaijan-nagorno-karabakh-refugees-b85baf08adf0dbe64b19a50cc94f81a6.
17. “Details Presented Regarding the One-Time Support of 100,000 AMD Provided by the Armenian Government to Forcibly Displaced Persons from Nagorno Karabakh,” The Government of the Republic of Armenia, October 2, 2023, https://www.gov.am/en/news/item/10374/.
18. Artsakh / Nagorno-Karabakh Human Rights Ombudsman [@ArtsakhOmbuds], “❗️As of 21:30, September 20, According to the Information Collected by the Office of the Human Rights Defender, There Are at Least 200 Deaths and More than 400 Wounded Persons. The Number of Injured People among the Civilian Population Exceeds 40 Persons, among Whom 13 Are….”
19. Grigor Atanesian, Tural Ahmedzade, and Siranush Sargsyan, “‘They Bombed Everywhere’: Survivors Recount Karabakh Attack,” BBC, September 27, 2023, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-66925791.
20. Interview P-0031 with CFTJ, Goris, September 29, 2023.
21. Bellingcat Investigation Team, “As Azerbaijan Consolidates Control, Armenians Flee Nagorno-Karabakh,” bellingcat, September 28, 2023, https://www.bellingcat.com/news/2023/09/28/azerbaijan-consolidates-control-armenians-flee-nagorno-karabakh/.
22. Interview P-0012 with CFTJ, Goris, September 29, 2023.
23. Interview P-0029 with CFTJ & UNHR, Goris, September 29, 2023.
24. P-0012, interview.
25. Interview P-0032 with CFTJ, Goris, September 29, 2023.
26. For example, Interview P-0037 with UNHR, Yerevan, October 7, 2023; Interview P-0039 with UNHR, Yerevan, October 14, 2023; P-0012, interview.
27. Artsakh / Nagorno-Karabakh Human Rights Ombudsman [@ArtsakhOmbuds], “❗️A Humanitarian Collapse in Artsakh. More than 10,000 Evacuated People Are Currently Staying in the Basements without Proper Food, Water, Electricity, and All Other Basic Conditions of Living. Azerbaijan Is Committing a Genocide in Artsakh in Real Time with the Tacit Consent Of… Https://T.Co/FU1EtnX43f,” Tweet, Twitter, September 21, 2023, https://twitter.com/ArtsakhOmbuds/status/1704860971792052224.
28. P-0012, interview.
29. P-0037, interview.
30. P-0037, interview.
31. P-0039, interview.
32. P-0037, interview.
33. Artsakh / Nagorno-Karabakh Human Rights Ombudsman [@ArtsakhOmbuds], “The Operation of the Vital Infrastructure Has Been Obstructed by the Terrorist Attack of Azerbaijan, Depriving the Entire Population of the Access to Electricity, Internet and Mobile Connection for 35 Hours Already. People Are Not Able to Cook, Heat or Charge Their Gadgets, While…,” Tweet, Twitter, September 20, 2023, https://twitter.com/ArtsakhOmbuds/status/1704582950061301809.
34. Rasmus Canbäck, “Part 5: The Invisible War Crimes,” Blankspot, October 4, 2023, https://blankspot.se/part-5-the-invisible-war-crimes/.
35. Interview P-0001 with UNHR, Goris, September 26, 2023.
36. P-0037, interview.
37. “‘They Isolated Them, as If You Put People in a Big Room, Forcing Them to Go to This and That Corner.’ Tatoyan Presented Exceptional Facts from Azerbaijan’s Attack,” October 21, 2023, https://en.aravot.am/2023/10/21/335585/.
38. Interview P-0027 with UNHR, Goris, September 29, 2023.
39. Interview P-0013 with UNHR, Goris, September 29, 2023.
40. Interview P-0019 with CFTJ & UNHR, Goris, September 26, 2023.
41. Interview P-0035 with UNHR, Artashat, October 15, 2023.
42. P-0035, interview.
43. P-0027, interview.
44. Interview P-0003 with UNHR, Goris, September 26, 2023.
45. Interview P-0005 with CFTJ and UNHR, Goris, September 26, 2023. Der Zor was the final destination of the forced death marches of thousands of Armenians. See Balakian, Peter. 2008. “Bones.” The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/07/magazine/07lives-t.html.
46. P-0027, interview.
47. P-0039, interview.
48. Interview P-0040 with UNHR, Nor Geghi, October 21, 2023.
49. P-0005, interview.
50. P-0005, interview.
51. “Bodies of Victims of Azeri Attack in Nagorno-Karabakh Have Signs of Torture and Mutilation,” armenpress.am, accessed December 11, 2023, https://armenpress.am/eng/news/1122336/.
52. Phone interview P-0043 with UNHR, Stepanakert, September 13, 2023.
53. Interview P-0036 with UNHR, Artashat, October 15, 2023.
54. P-0036, interview.
55. P-0013, interview.
56. P-0008, interview.
57. P-0032, interview.
58. Gabriel Gavin, “‘Nobody Is Helping Us’: Inside the Fall of Nagorno-Karabakh,” POLITICO (blog), September 22, 2023, https://www.politico.eu/article/nagorno-karabakh-armenia-azerbaijan-war-inside/.
59. Faulconbridge, Guy, and Andrew Osborn. 2023. “Thousands of Armenians in Karabakh mass at airport after ceasefire deal.” Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/world/thousands-armenians-karabakh-mass-airport-after-ceasefire-deal-2023-09-20/.
60. P-0019, interview.
61. P-0019, interview.
62. P-0019, interview.
63. P-0035, interview.
64. Interview P-0026 with CFTJ and UNHR, Goris, September 30, 2023.
65. P-0035, interview.
66. Michael Erti, “Death Toll in Nagorno-Karabakh Fuel Depot Blast Jumps to 170,” BBC, September 29, 2023, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-66958338.
67. P-0037, interview.
68. P-0003, interview.
69. “According to the Latest Data, the Number of Forcibly Displaced People from Nagorno Karabakh is 100,490,” The Government of the Republic of Armenia, October 1, 2023, https://www.gov.am/en/news/item/10371/.
70. Patrick Reevell, “Over 50,000 Armenians Have Now Fled from Enclave, Fearing Azerbaijan,” ABC News, https://abcnews.go.com/International/50000-armenians-flee-enclave-azerbaijan-exodus-accelerates/story?id=103520706.
71. Azmi Haroun, “The Crowds of Armenians Fleeing Nagorno-Karabakh Are So Big You Can See Them from Space,” Business Insider, September 28, 2023, https://www.businessinsider.com/cowds-of-armenians-fleeing-nagorno-karabakh-are-visible-from-space-2023-9.
72. Avet Demourian, “More than 80% of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Population Flees as Future Uncertain for Those Who Remain,” AP News, September 29, 2023, https://apnews.com/article/nagorno-karabakh-azerbaijan-armenia-separatist-government-5f7b940643a3d6e63a6f3d512158e51a.
73. P-0003, interview.
74. P-0037, interview.
75. P-0005, interview.
76. Interview P-0021 with UNHR, Yerevan, September 29, 2023.
77. P-0027, interview.
78. P-0026, interview.
79. Sarah Rainsford and Antoinette Radford, “Nagorno-Karabakh: More than 40,000 Refugees Flee to Armenia,” BBC, September 26, 2023, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-66931178.
80. P-0001, interview.
81. P-0039, interview.
82. P-0003, interview.
83. P-0039, interview.
84. P-0027, interview.
85. P-0005, interview.
86. Interview P-0016 with UNHR, Goris, September 26, 2023.
87. P-0012, interview.
88. P-0027, interview.
89. Interview P-0025 with UNHR, Goris, September 29, 2023.
90. P-0003, interview.
91. P-0037, interview.
92. P-0026, interview.
93. P-0027, interview.
94. P-0005, interview.
95. “Hundreds of Most Vulnerable Left in Nagorno-Karabakh after Mass Exodus,” The Independent, October 3, 2023, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/armenia-nagorno-karabakh-crisis-russia-b2423274.html.
96. Ibid.
97. P-0039, interview.
98. P-0037, interview.
99. Tatik Papik, also known as “We Are Our Mountains,” is a 30-foot tall sculpture carved out of volcanic rock that depicts the elders of Artsakh and their profound connection with the natural landscape.
100. ERIC BAZAIL-EIMIL and GABRIEL GAVIN, “Blinken Warned Lawmakers Azerbaijan May Invade Armenia in Coming Weeks,” POLITICO, October 13, 2023, https://www.politico.com/news/2023/10/13/blinken-warned-lawmakers-azerbaijan-may-invade-armenia-in-coming-weeks-00121500.
101. Interview P-0009 with UNHR, Goris, September 26, 2023.